Old According to Ed . . .

 

 

Rain Forest People Cultures and Arts--New Website

Sierra Club Glen Canyon Group Website Update

MARKETING; Using the Internet to Sell Their Love of a Canyon

Washington Post story and Glen Canyon

Ralph Nader's Tribute to David Brower (and other food for thought)

Reservoir Etiquette

===========================================================+

From: Edward M Dobson <e.dobson@juno.com>

WALL: Visit / link this web site ?

--------- Forwarded message ----------


From: Marc ONA <ona_marc@hotmail.com>
To: wall-list@igc.topica.com
Date: Thu, 28 Dec 2000 03:30:17
Subject: WALL: Visit our web site

Hi,

I am in central africa, we created an association to value Rain forest
people cultures and Arts. Please, visit it and don't forget to sign our
Gold book. Tell me your comments.
http://www.f-i-a.org/ebando

Marc

============================================================+


From: Edward M Dobson <e.dobson@juno.com>
Date: Mon, 25 Dec 2000 23:34:24 -0700

Subject: Re: (gcg) GCG Web Site PHASE 2

Here is a site you might check for ideas.

Happy New Year,

- E


Subject: (gcg) GCG Web Site PHASE 2

Happy Holidays to all,

The GCG Web site has been updated. Any corrections would be
welcomed.

http://www.sierraclub.org/chapters/ut/glencanyon/

For committee chairs and anyone else who has information they want on
the web page there is an empty page available for every committee.

Rivers -- the Acrobat reader version of the "Glen Canyon Advocate"
publication is on the web site. let me know if anyone has difficulties with this.

Grazing -- We are currently working on grazing maps to be put on the site.

Other committees: please email me something you have already
prepared and I will get it out there

Ginny ginny@wyn.org

============================================================+


From: Edward M Dobson <e.dobson@juno.com>
Date: Mon, 18 Dec 2000 02:04:52 -0700

Good piece about websites, links, and email.

- E

December 13, 2000, Wednesday
New York Times

E-Commerce

MARKETING; Using the Internet to Sell Their Love of a Canyon

By JON CHRISTENSEN

ALTHOUGH it is a nonprofit environmental group, the Southern Utah
Wilderness Alliance is in the business of selling. What it sells primarily
is a sense of place, the spectacular red rock canyons of the Colorado
Plateau, a sparsely populated, otherworldly landscape of hoodoos, painted
badlands and dinosaur bones.

The alliance's goal is to protect as much of this land as possible from
development. Like a growing number of environmental groups around the
country, the alliance is using the Internet to knit together a nationwide
community of advocates for a particular place. The alliance uses its Web
site, www.suwa.org, to promote preservation -- people can visit photo
galleries of wilderness areas throughout the state -- and to recruit
members online.

There is a tiny corner of commercialism on the site, where the alliance
sells books and posters and gives away buttons and bumper stickers. But
the focus is on selling activism on behalf of southern Utah wilderness.

''We've always tried to market the idea of preservation of the spectacular
red rock desert country in southern Utah,'' said Mike Reberg, a media
coordinator for the alliance. ''The site allows people to get a sense of
the spectacular places. People like that. And it's an important part of
how we sell what we do.''

The Internet has also helped amplify the group's voice. Supporters can
sign up for e-mail alerts that put them in the middle of the action whenever
decisions are being made about Utah wilderness, whether in Congress or
one of the handful of communities hidden among the remote canyons.

The Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance has about 17,000 members throughout
the 50 states. Only about half of them actually live in Utah.

But in a conservative state that has historically not been friendly to the
concept of preserving wilderness, the alliance has successfully fended
off local attempts to open areas to oil and gas development, logging and
off-road vehicles. In recent years, the alliance has also flooded Congress
with phone calls, letters and e-mail messages about legislation the group
does not like.

The advocates acknowledge that e-mail messages themselves carry little
weight among legislators. But they have found that e-mail alerts can set
off a chain reaction of phone calls and letters that do get the attention
of policy makers.

''At key times, we can send literally hundreds of phone calls into
certain offices when we need to,'' Mr. Reberg said.

Representative James V. Hansen, Republican of Utah, the chairman of the
House Subcommittee on National Parks and Public Lands, has often been at
the other end of the deluge. A sponsor of many of the bills opposed by
the alliance, he has urged his colleagues not to be concerned about the
orchestrated phone calls and letters. ''I mean, you know, one guy writes
it and 10,000 of them come in,'' he said at a hearing earlier this year on a
bill to protect the San Rafael Swell, a popular Utah wilderness
destination where Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid once hid.

Mr. Hansen's bill would have left too much of the remote area open to
off-road vehicle traffic in the eyes of wilderness advocates. So when Mr.
Hansen made his San Rafael Swell proposal as a rider to an appropriations
bill in the final days of the Congressional session, the alliance put its
electronic political machine into gear. The amendment was dropped.

The alliance also uses e-mail alerts to get dozens of people to write
comments about public meetings affecting wild lands and about obscure
documents, like decisions on grazing made by the federal Bureau of Land
Management, which controls most of the public land in Utah.

''We can quickly put out an e-mail alert and energize people around the
country and ask them to react in some fashion,'' Mr. Reberg said.

About 10,000 people are hooked up to the alliance's e-mail alert system.
The group usually sends out at least one alert a month, although in crises
there can be three or four alerts a week, sometimes focusing on specific
Congressional districts nationwide.

''We've been able to respond very quickly to these sneak attacks,'' said
Kevin Walker, a volunteer who cobbled together the group's Web site and
e-mail alert system using software programs he wrote himself.

A former professor of mathematics, Dr. Walker moved to Utah's canyon
lands 10 years ago because ''it's probably the wildest place left,'' he said.
He also set up an internal Web page that the group has used for coordinating
hundreds of volunteers who have fanned out across the state to visit and
document remote areas to add to the alliance's proposals for wilderness
protection.

For Dr. Walker, this personal connection to the place through the Web is
the most important asset. ''We see our members as a valuable grass-roots
resource,'' he said. ''We don't just look at them as a source of money.
We're looking for a long-term interaction to help us month after month,
year after year.''

JoAnn M. Valenti, a professor of communications at Brigham Young
University in Provo, Utah, said the alliance had been effective in its use of new
technology. She is on the receiving end of the group's e-mail alerts
because she specializes in environmental communications. E-mail helps the
group spread its message exponentially, she said, in a way that
advertisers call viral marketing.

Dr. Valenti sometimes forwards the messages to people in her address book,
and she sometimes finds the group's messages coming from other sources,
like a colleague or a former student in case she didn't see it. But she doesn't mind.

''There's value in repetition and constant presence,'' she said. Although
the alliance's system might seem like a well-oiled machine, Dr. Walker
acknowledged that his homemade design was ''a little helter-skelter.''

So the group is working with a volunteer Web site designer, Devina
Pallone of Design Wrench in Salt Lake City, to overhaul the site. Mr. Reberg
hopes to make it easier for people to join the alliance anywhere in the site.
He would also like to use banner photographs to show places the group wants
to protect.

THERE will also be more links to other wilderness groups. The alliance
hopes to get spillover interest from tourists who visit Utah, including
for the 2002 Winter Olympics.

But the group cannot afford to spend money promoting the site, so it
depends on free links and e-mail viral marketing to drive traffic to its
site.

Many groups nationwide are discovering the power of the Internet for
selling the politics of place, said Keith Schneider, the executive director
of the Michigan Land Use Institute, a nonprofit group concerned about
suburban sprawl. ''This technology is changing political organizing, the
selling of ideas,'' said Mr. Schneider, a former national reporter for
The New York Times. ''It's very powerful. It gives us as much reach as
MSNBC.com.''

Last spring, the institute anticipated local legislation that it thought
would subsidize developers who were turning farmland into subdivisions.
The day the bill was introduced, the institute released a critical report on
its Web site, www.mlui.org, and introduced an e-mail campaign that helped
change the bill. ''With three hits of the button, we turned the entire
legislative debate,'' Mr. Schneider said.

The Internet and the Web have so far proved more useful for reacting to
unwanted developments than creating alternatives, Mr. Schneider said.
''We haven't been able to do much offense,'' he added. ''Most of it is
defensive.'' The same is true in Utah. While the alliance's dream of a
vast red rock wilderness has yet to be realized on the ground, it is displayed
in all its grandeur on the Web. And the group remains poised to use the
Internet to try to foil what it perceives as attempts to despoil wilderness.

''Who knows what will happen?'' said Mr. Reberg, thinking ahead to a new
Congress next year, and the power of the group's little political machine
in a computer box. ''We'll keep an eye on it,'' he said. ''And if we have
to gin it up again and get moving, we will.''

===========================================================+

From: Edward M Dobson <e.dobson@juno.com>
Subject: Washington Post story and Glen Canyon

RECOMMENDED LINKS:

Washington Post story on Dams, first link, and Glen Canyon, second link.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A44823-2000Dec8.html

 

Go to   http://www.nmia.com/~jeanbean/   and click on

GLEN CANYON: A CENTURY OF RESTORATION.

============================================================+

From: Edward M Dobson <e.dobson@juno.com>
Subject: Ralph Nader's Tribute to David Brower and other food for thought


Ralph Nader knew David Brower as mentor and enthusiastic advocate.
Ralph's perspective is unique, even though his tribute covers familiar
ground. Below that tribute we have Ken Grimsley on the necessity of the
recent Nader campaign, followed by Larry Fahn's caveat and call to
action, and additional food for thought.

For all Democrats, it's time to cowboy up, as we say here in the American
west when things get tough. Can't blame your outcome on the other guy.

Seasoned environmentalists know we always have a job cut out for us, no
matter whose team has the ball in this many-sided game. Dave Brower
never blamed the loss of Glen Canyon on the Wilderness Society's
indifference or the Sierra Club's. Dave took responsibility for that.
No finer example has been set.

- Ed Dobson

*****

 

Date: Sun, 10 Dec 2000 08:27:36
From: "Jeffrey St. Clair" <sitka@home.com>

December 10, 2000
Boulder Daily Camera
A Tribute to David Brower, Champion of the Environment

by Ralph Nader

David R. Brower was the greatest environmentalist and conservationist of
the 20th century. He was also an indefatigable champion of every
worthwhile effort to protect the environment over the last seven decades.
David Brower, who was 88 years old, died of complications related to
cancer on Nov. 5 at his home in Berkeley, Calif.

David Brower once said, "We're not blindly opposed to progress, we're
opposed to blind progress." He was masterful at bringing the appropriate
framework to any environmental
controversy and showing that the short-term economic gains are
insignificant when measured against the long-term economic and broader
societal benefits of proper environmental stewardship.

The monuments to his work dot the landscape of the nation's environmental
movement. He founded the Earth Island Institute, the League of
Conservation Voters, the John Muir Institute for Environmental Studies,
the Global Conservation, Preservation, and Restoration (CPR) Service
and the <<U.S.-based> Friends of the Earth. He also initiated the
founding of Friends of the Earth organizations worldwide. Many of the
leaders of the environmental movement outside the United States were
personally recruited by David Brower and they were often financially
supported by him.

David Brower also helped establish the worker/environmental organization
The Alliance for Sustainable Jobs and the Environment. And as executive
director of the Sierra Club (1952-69), he increased the organization's
membership from 7,000 to 85,000 and transformed the organization from a
mild-mannered conservation organization into a powerful environmental
advocacy organization.

His ability to clear away the underbrush of polite discourse and focus on
core problems was well illustrated by his views on the corrosive impact
of special-interest money on our political process. He said, "We don't
have democracy in this country. What we have is legal bribery, where
politicians must raise so much money to get elected that by the time they
do, they're bought and paid for by the companies and wealthy individuals
who financed their campaigns."

His courage and dedication must be given credit in keeping dams out of
Dinosaur National Monument, the Yukon and the Grand Canyon and in
establishing the National Wilderness
Preservation System. The list of his accomplishments fill chapters in
the history of the world's environmental movements. Future generations
will be the major beneficiaries of his willingness to take up the tough
battles for the preservation of the earth.

He was nominated three times for the Nobel Peace Prize, and received
numerous awards throughout his life, including 1998 Blue Planet Award.
He was, however, more proud of his
mountain climbing accomplishments than his many awards and honorary
degrees. In 1939, David Brower successfully scaled Shiprock, a
1,500-foot spire in northern New Mexico. In addition he had over 70
"first-ascents" of mountains and peaks worldwide.

David Brower brought as much passion to his climbing of the Sierra's
peaks as he did to fighting reckless development. One of his greatest
accomplishments directing the fight to pass the Wilderness Act of 1964.
This law was designed to protect millions of acres of public lands and to
help keep these lands in pristine condition. David Brower was devoted to
protecting our planet's natural habitats and Brower was in the forefront
in helping to develop national parks and
seashores in King Canyon, the North Cascades, the Redwoods, Great Basin,
Alaska, Cape Cod, Fire Island, and Point Reyes.

He led the way in protecting primeval forest in Olympic National Park and
wilderness on San Gorgonio. David Brower was also one of the first
environmental leaders to oppose nuclear power -- something he believed
led to him being fired by the Sierra Club in 1969 after working as the
group's executive director for 17 years.

He successfully developed the "exhibit format" books, which showcased
nature photography and brought a sense of appreciation of wilderness
areas to those who may never have visited the wild. These books helped
raise environmental awareness among millions of readers and helped
inspire many people to join in fights to preserve wild areas.

David Brower had little interest in quick compromise. He advised, "We
are to hold fast to what we believe is right, fight for it, and find
allies and adduce all possible arguments for our cause. If we cannot
find enough vigor in us or them to win, then let someone else produce the
compromise. We thereupon work hard to coax it our way. We become a
nucleus around which the strongest force can build and function."

This philosophy should be the foundation upon which today and tomorrow's
environmental leaders build. The environmental movement has lost a world
champion and society has lost a man who placed enduring principle ahead
of expedient deal-making.

Ralph Nader, a former Green Party presidential candidate, is a consumer
advocate with the Congressional Accountability Project.

END

NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is
distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in
receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.

 

=======================================================+++

OTHER THINGS TO THINK ABOUT . . .

=======================================================+++

 

http://www.registerguard.com/news/20001207/ed.col.grimsley.1207.html

Register-Guard, Eugene, OR
December 7, 2000

Commentary: Gore has only himself to blame

By KEN GRIMSLEY

DISGRUNTLED DEMOCRATS and the righteous legions of the anti-Bush left need to grow up and devote energy to productive political reform. They
need to stop whining about how Ralph Nader tipped the election.

Of course Nader helped tip the election. Of course George W. Bush
shouldn't be president. Neither should Al Gore. And all Nader voters
should be proud of their courageous votes in the wake of rampant
cowardice and ego (along with genuine dilemma and fear by millions of
voters sucked into Gore's media propaganda).

But here's the news flash: Nader didn't cause a loss, neither did
Florida's obnoxiously smug Secretary of State Katherine Harris and her
overbearing GOP coalition, or circuit court judge N. Sanders Sauls
playing it safely by the book. Gore defeated himself.

Let's entertain a thought: If Gore had the record, vision and integrity
to earn votes, he would have gotten them - and by more than a minuscule
margin over a centrist puppet governor with an easily dismissed record.
Gore's campaign has been an epic failure, a political nightmare.

But, gee, he could've won, if only, if only, if only ... if only people
hadn't voted for Nader? I suggest that the malcontents obsessed with
assigning blame thoroughly clean their glass house (especially the
mirrors) before throwing stones - unless they throw them at Gore.

Look at Florida: A report of tallies and exit polls by Tim Wise, a
Nashville-based writer, reveals that Nader drew only 24,000 Democratic
votes, yet 308,000 Democrats voted for Bush! Was it the "Clinton factor?"

As if that's not embarrassing enough, there's more: Gore lost the white
women vote, normally Democratic votes in Florida, to Bush by 53 percent
to 44 percent. If Gore earned even half of these votes, he would've
gained 65,000 votes (Nader's Florida total was only 95,000).

But, wait, there's even more humiliation: In spite of his terrorizing
Social Security spin, Gore also lost the senior vote (those older than
age 65) to Bush, 51 percent to 47 percent. If Gore had won Tennessee,
his home state, he wouldn't even need Florida!

Of course Nader's votes contributed to Gore's plight. Good. Bush should
win. Gore and the so-called New Democrats (who promise a "vital view
from the center") need to lose. We shouldn't be fooled by the ruse of
Democratic politicians being "liberal" or "progressive" and Republican
politicians being "big bad business." The past eight years have exposed
that scam, big time.

The charge to the right (masked as the center) has been stampeded by the
Democratic Leadership Council, led by Clinton/Gore. With few exceptions,
the vast majority of Democratic and Republican politicians have merged
into one Corporate Party. Of course the parties disagree and dance over
tactics, but a close look at their strategy reveals a single boss pulling
the strings: big money. And Americans know it.

Clinton/Gore's eight years yielded more mega-mergers, less prosecution of
environmental crimes, increased logging on public lands, increased lack
of health insurance, increased poverty among women and children (now at
20 percent for children), hugely increased multinational corporate power
(including the World Trade Organization and the North American Free Trade
Agreement, which are positioned to inflict greater tragedy than anything
in Texas under Bush) and dramatically increased accumulation of wealth by
fewer people.

If voters honestly examine the past eight years (including the voting
record of Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices, who created and
have twice upheld Roe vs. Wade), voters would realize that a Bush win
opens the door to opportunity. That's part of Nader's victory. The Bush
win can be a lightning rod to energize all voters concerned with social,
environmental and economic progress to stop the relentless erosion of our
personal sovereignty by the tidal wave of global corporate sovereignty.

How can we transcend the election debacle and, as Nader defined in his
platform, reclaim our democracy? One specific example: We need to end
all private money in elections.

Freedom of expression is exercised by a vote, so who said it also needs
to be expressed in cash? Democracy is Latin for "rule by people," not
rule by cash. Public representatives should be under the control -
including financial - of citizens. We - not the wealthy media moguls -
own the broadcast airwaves. We - not deep-pocket donors - own our
democracy. We can all fight and work, right now, for totally publicly
funded state and federal elections, with debates governed by public authority.

Ending the obscene influence of big money on our political process would
be an enormous step toward reclaiming our democracy, a message
successfully delivered to all voters by Nader. It's at the heart of his
legacy and victory this year. In 2004, if we begin now, it could be our victory.

Ken Grimsley was the co-chair of Lane Victory 2000, an Oregon political
action committee supporting the Ralph Nader-Winona LaDuke ticket.

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Sierra Club director (there are 15 on the Board) Larry Fahn reminds all
of us that Nader supporters have the same responsibilities as Gore
supporters under a Bush administration. He wrote:

"Much of the damage potential from a Bush administration lies beneath the
proverbial "radar screen", at least that of the mainstream media.
Hundreds of assistant secretaries, under-secretaries, regional division
chiefs, regional administrators, mid-level agency execs,
etc. will be making thousands of decisions each day that will be
impacting, and undermining our mission and work. While new rules and
regs are likely, the dropping or modifying of existing rules and regs,
and/or decisions on if and how to enforce them will be rampant...at the
Forest Service, at the BLM, at the Park Service, in the EPA, etc.
Even the most vigilant environmental group or alternative press corps
cannot be expected to know about all that's going on. The Sierra Club
has a major challenge on its hands in trying to keep up with all of it.
Gore has been disappointing on a few of our key issues, but the
collective differences between that large group of mid- and low-level
appointees that are expected under Bush vs. Gore is one
of the more frightening aspects of a likely Bush win. I hope that all of
our colleagues in the environmental and/or social justice movement that
opted to support Nader, especially the young people, will join with us
vigorously to place a series of bright spotlights on every level of
Bush's administrative team, and to expose and engage, including
litigation, when necessary,
whenever possible."

--Larry Fahn <LFahn@AOL.COM>

 

"The front lines aren't in Washington D.C. They're in the forests of the
Pacific Northwest; in the chemical plants and oil refineries of Cancer
Alley; in the wildlands of Montana; the strip mines of Appalachia."

- Alexander Cockburn
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Date: Mon, 04 Dec 2000 09:51:31
From: charlie <cmagee@pond.net>
To: cpa@efn.org
Subject: movie "Key Largo" and Florida politicians

In the 1940s movie, "Key Largo", with Humphrey Bogart and Edward G.
Robinson, Robinson, playing the gangster, makes an interesting speech to
Humph:

"Let me tell you about Florida politicians. I make them. I make them
outta whole cloth just like a tailor makes a suit. I get their name in
the newspaper, I get them some publicity and get them on the ballot.
Then after the election we count the votes and if they don't turn out
right, we re-count them and re-count them again until they do."

 

The two best internet sites that discuss the election (in my opinion)
are www.commondreams.org and
The Progressive Review http://prorev.com/votecount.htm

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

http://www.blazingtattles.com/info/voting2.txt
http://www.konformist.com/2000/unelectable-son-2.htm

The Unelectable Son, Part II
By Dave McGowan
dave@davesweb.cnchost.com

November 15, 2000

"The outcome of this election will not be the result of ... efforts to
mold public opinion."

George W. Bush robotically reciting a statement to the press on November
15, 2000

Actually, that is exactly what the outcome will be the result of. While
the media continues to make a concerted and absolutely shameless effort
to steer public opinion into supporting a Bush
presidency, evidence continues to mount of a massive, well-planned
(though sloppily executed) operation to steal the vote in the state of
Florida, brought to you courtesy of the Bush family.

As details emerge, it is difficult to tell which is more amazing - the
brazenness of the fraud perpetrated on the people of this country, or the
complete refusal of the media to acknowledge what is painfully obvious.
What is also obvious is that the media, and both political parties, want
the whole thing to go away as soon as possible.

It is not likely that it is Al Gore and his campaign team that are
delaying the completion of the Bush coup. More likely, it is public
outrage that has forced Gore to put up at least the illusion of a fight.
Essentially, he is just buying time until public opinion can be
sufficiently brought under control by the all-powerful media.

One of the more telling details to emerge concerns the role played by a
Fox News official on election night. As readers will recall, the state of
Florida was originally called in favor of Gore, based on the results of
exit polls, a very reliable indicator assuming that ballots are
accurately cast and counted. At that time, the Bush team abandoned their
prior plans and retreated to the seclusion of the governor's mansion.

Not long after, the networks took the state back from Gore and declared
it "too close to call," offering little in the way of explanation. Still
later in the night, the networks gave the state to
Bush, and every effort was made to present that as the final,
authoritative decision. The earlier call for Gore, purportedly, had been
a rush to judgment.

The first network to swing the state to Bush was the Fox News Channel,
followed (within four minutes) by all the usual suspects - CNN, ABC, CBS,
NBC and MSNBC. The call was made, strangely enough, not based on reports
from the Voters News Service, as would be customary, but on the sole
discretion of a Fox official.

The fact that such a crucial call was made on the authority of a single
news executive - with no supporting documentation - is by itself rather
disturbing. Far more disturbing is that the official,
John Ellis, is a first cousin of George and Jeb Bush, and he has
acknowledged having been in frequent contact with both of the Bush boys
on election night.

What we have here then is a presidential election that hinged on a state
controlled by a member of the Bush clan, with that state being declared
for candidate Bush by yet another member of the Bush clan (who had been
hired by Fox just a month before the election). The media immediately
fell in line behind this scam, prompting Gore to nearly offer a public
concession, wrapping things up before anyone realized what the hell had
happened.

It's almost too obvious a scandal to even be believed. Is the Bush
family really so arrogant as to believe that they can get away with
literally anything? Can they in fact get away with it? Are Americans
so thoroughly conditioned to accepting their media-supplied points of
view that they will allow this to stand?

The corruption evident in Volusia County alone is enough to warrant not
just a recount, but a re-vote and a thorough investigation. At one point
on the night of the election, Gore was leading Bush by 21,000 votes in
the county. Within a half an hour, Gore's tally had dropped by 16,000
votes, while candidate David McReynolds had somehow picked up 10,000 of
his own. In the final tally, McReynolds - a Socialist Party candidate -
was credited with a grand total of just nine votes.

This discrepancy has yet to be explained. Other irregularities
throughout the county were explained away as harmless error and simple
misunderstanding. For example, one election worker left the ballot
collection area carrying two uninspected bags, prompting a call to the
sheriff. The Washington Post explained though that the worker was "merely
taking home dirty laundry." Say what? For what possible reason would a
worker be lugging two bags of dirty laundry around a ballot collection
area?

Excuse my frankness here, but reading news accounts such as that should
really piss you off. Implicit in such coverage is the message that the
media thinks you are stupid - a real _____ idiot. So stupid and gullible,
in fact, that you'll go along with wrapping this up, sweeping all the
ugliness under the rug, and propping up George Bush as an illegitimate
president.

At any rate, Volusia County experienced other irregularities as well.
Six precincts were unable to transfer their results due to the proverbial
computer glitch; the county's returns were not received
until 3 A.M., leaving a considerable amount of time during which the
ballots could have been altered in any number of ways.

On Wednesday, as a recount was underway, a poll worker dropped off a bag
of ballots that had allegedly spent the night in his car. Two days
later, three more ballot bags were found in a vault, one with a broken
seal, one without a seal, and the third lying open with ballots spilling
out. All of this nonsense, we are supposed to believe, is a normal part
of any election.

Put any election under such scrutiny, the media mantra goes, and you will
find such irregularities. This is absolute nonsense. These were not
random, motiveless mistakes that were made; this was a concerted effort
to disenfranchise targeted sectors of the population.

As the Palm Beach Post reported, almost half of the disqualified ballots
in Palm Beach County came from predominately black and elderly precincts.
Throughout the county, seven percent of ballots were thrown out. In
precincts where most residents are over age 65, the figure rose to ten
percent, and in black precincts, sixteen percent - one in six ballots -
were disqualified.

Similarly, the Miami Herald has reported that the same pattern was
followed in Miami-Dade County. Countywide, the percentage of voided
ballots was 2.7 percent. In some two dozen black precincts, however, the
rate was from eight to eleven percent. In the precinct with the highest
rate of 'double punching' (10.98%), fully 99 percent of the votes went to
Gore.

Duval County followed the same pattern. Salon, an on-line magazine,
reported that nearly half of the 27,000 disqualified ballots in that
county came from just four of its fourteen districts. Those
districts' residents are, oddly enough, primarily black and almost all
are Democrats.

The propagandists would have you believe that such irregularities are due
to the fact that blacks and the elderly are too stupid (yuck, yuck) to
understand the ballots, and have therefore essentially forfeited their
right to vote. The truth though is that the elderly appear to have been
deliberately targeted with deceptive ballots, so that they could then be
publicly ridiculed.

And according to The Times (UK), as many as 17,000 ballots given
primarily to black voters had already been marked for a rival candidate,
automatically disqualifying them when another candidate was selected. In
light of the sheer volume of irregularities, and of the tens of thousands
of voters who were affected, it is patently absurd to write the Florida
vote off as 'business as usual.'

A few irregularities would be understandable, but the reports trickling
out from Florida indicate wholesale corruption: ballot boxes going
missing; ballot boxes reappearing (which may or may not
be the boxes that went missing, and may or may not still contain the
original contents); illegal poll closings; deceptively designed ballots;
unannounced poll relocations; voter intimidation by the
police; unexplained removal of names from voter registration lists; and
widespread reports of ballot tampering.

Exactly how many voting 'improprieties' need to be reported, and how many
members of the Bush family need to be directly implicated, before the
word 'fraud' enters the media's lexicon? To understand just how
thoroughly corrupt and co-opted the media is, a story from the New York
Daily News that ran just before the election is instructive.

Revealed there is the strategy that was being prepared by the Bush team
to employ in the event that Bush had taken the popular vote but lost the
Electoral College vote - the opposite of the current alleged outcome. The
team had prepared 'talking points' on the unfairness of the Electoral
College system and planned a massive media assault, fueled by right-wing
talk radio demagogues.

The idea was to spark a popular revolt against the College as an
institution that was thwarting the free will of the people. The team had
intended to enlist Democrats to join in the bipartisan propaganda
campaign. Strangely enough, with Bush now the presumed winner, neither
political party - nor the media - seems to much give a shit about the
will of the people. Strange how that works.

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From: Edward M Dobson <e.dobson@juno.com>
Subject: Reservoir Etiquette

From Broadsides newsletter published by Great Old Broads for Wilderness

 

Reservoir Etiquette

-- by Brad Dimock (c)1999

I was between two river trips when I got a call from my mother: "I'm
renting a boat for a week on Lake Powell, Brad, and you need to take a
trip here so you can drive us around." As much as I loved my mother, the
thought of motorboating on the reservoir that boatmen universally despise
did not sound fun. But I had no choice. It was not a question she was asking,
but a command. I would do it.

Downstream of the dam the formerly wild, brown Colorado had been turned
into a clear, cold trout stream, regulated in a psychotic arrhythmia by
the whims of power demand and water politics in the western United States.
When we boatmen weren't bemoaning the inundation of Glen Canyon, we cursed the
artificial flows that alternately stranded our boats a dozen yards from the
river or washed away the kitchen at three o'clock in the morning.

I was anxious to escape the glitter and clamor of Wahweap, the egregious
display of gigantic boats and raucous luxury. Having little knowledge of
what remained of the Glen Canyon area, I trusted to my map to find
respite from the roar of the water skiers and the throb of boom boxes. We poked
into side canyon after side canyon, and although they were beautiful, I
could not escape the eerie feeling of knowing what had been drowned
beneath us. We went to every side canyon I had heard of -- Hidden Passage, Music
Temple, Dungeon Canyon, Twilight Canyon -- and looked for signs of what
once was.

One night we had chosen a nice spot in a long, winding canyon, about a
half mile from another group who were quietly eating dinner when we putted in.

Just about the time we finished setting up camp, the other party decided
to go water skiing. They fired up their jet boat -- a monstrosity that had
no mufflers but seemed to have amplifiers -- and tore back and forth in
front of our camp until dark.

The following night in Moki Canyon I found a gorgeous little beach, this
one with no neighbors and no beaches nearby. We set up camp. Alice and Ma

assaulted the scotch bottle, I worked on my beer stash. The water was a
comfortable swimming temperature, and this particular spot was
surprisingly free of the trash and toilet paper that characterized the majority of
beaches we had visited. After a quiet dinner we rolled out our sleeping
bags and were enjoying the quiet of the evening when a large blue
houseboat motored up the canyon, turned into our cove, and anchored no more than
thirty feet from our camp. Their stereo was blaring, the dog spotted us
and began several hours of furious barking, the kids shrieked, and mom and
dad started a screaming argument that outlasted the dog. Occasionally a
bottle flew out of the houseboat and shattered on the sandstone.

The camping problem seemed beyond my ability to solve. No matter where we
went, someone very, very loud would come to join us just about the time
it was too late to move on.

Late that afternoon I was prowling up a long sinuous canyon called
Seven-Mile, and finally came to the end. It was deserted. There was
another beautiful beach. We pulled in and set up camp. An hour went by. No one
came. Ma and Alice were making good headway with the scotch, their
launchers set up on the shore, their feet in the water. Perhaps we would
have just one night in peace.

Then we heard it. The unmistakable throbbing drone of a large unmuffled
inboard, echoing off the canyon walls, getting slowly louder. "Oh, no."
said Alice. She was near tears. "Oh, no. Not again. What are we going to
do, Eddie?" My mother sat there, lips tight together for a moment,
thinking, then said, matter-of-fatly. "Alice: Let's take off our clothes." The
grandchildren's faces paled. My mother and Alice were both in their
mid-seventies, and had not gone out of their way to make their bodies
look any younger. They did not buy in to the American myth that sags and
wrinkles made you less of a person. And my mother, after four children,
had given up fighting her pot belly. In fact, she had decided she rather
liked it, as it made a handy platform on which to write checks.

"Yes, let's!" Alice said, her eyes lighting up with delight. They stood
up and began pulling at their bathing suit straps. The kids ran for cover,
hiding behind the boulders in acute embarrassment. So did I. The two
women were totally naked standing in about six inches of water when the
motorboat rounded the last bend and hove into view. The air shook with the noise of

their engine and someone was pointing at the beach adjacent to our boat.
They throttled down. Ma and Alice waved and held up the scotch bottle.
There was a pause. They waved again. The engine made an uncomfortable
noise of being put into gear a little too urgently, then roared to life.
The boat spun and fled. Once the reverberating thunder had subsided the only sound
was the shrieking laughter of Ma and Alice, naked and helpless in their
launchers.

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